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The Political Share of Literature: Maurice Blanchot, 1931–1937

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From the very beginning, Blanchot's thought on literature was intimately linked to his experience and conception of politics. It is this beginning that this article sets out to explore. In particular, it examines how Blanchot's discourse, insofar as the literature/politics relation is concerned, begins to shift toward the second half of the 1930s. Initially, literature is seen as a propitious ground to prepare what Blanchot terms a ‘healthy’ politics — not in any partisan or programmatic sense but in the more fundamental sense of being the active site of what he refers to as ‘concrete’ values, that is, national, cultural and spiritual values which may call upon writers to commit themselves politically and take action to defend those values in the real world as part of an effort to stimulate national, spiritual renewal. Gradually, however, Blanchot's discourse breaks with this logic of continuity established between literature and the field of political realities. From 1937 onwards, the political element provides Blanchot, this time in the form of a revolutionary force detached from its empirical conditions, with a conceptual framework to theorize literature and to account for the violent, negating force encountered, according to him, in the literary work. As a result, it is no longer — or just — about literature contributing to a revolutionary project in the socio-political world; what is at stake, instead, is how the political, understood (conceptually rather than empirically) as a ‘force of opposition’ or negation, can contribute to literary criticism and thought by offering Blanchot a new language to explore the experience and violence of literature.
Edinburgh University Press
Title: The Political Share of Literature: Maurice Blanchot, 1931–1937
Description:
From the very beginning, Blanchot's thought on literature was intimately linked to his experience and conception of politics.
It is this beginning that this article sets out to explore.
In particular, it examines how Blanchot's discourse, insofar as the literature/politics relation is concerned, begins to shift toward the second half of the 1930s.
Initially, literature is seen as a propitious ground to prepare what Blanchot terms a ‘healthy’ politics — not in any partisan or programmatic sense but in the more fundamental sense of being the active site of what he refers to as ‘concrete’ values, that is, national, cultural and spiritual values which may call upon writers to commit themselves politically and take action to defend those values in the real world as part of an effort to stimulate national, spiritual renewal.
Gradually, however, Blanchot's discourse breaks with this logic of continuity established between literature and the field of political realities.
From 1937 onwards, the political element provides Blanchot, this time in the form of a revolutionary force detached from its empirical conditions, with a conceptual framework to theorize literature and to account for the violent, negating force encountered, according to him, in the literary work.
As a result, it is no longer — or just — about literature contributing to a revolutionary project in the socio-political world; what is at stake, instead, is how the political, understood (conceptually rather than empirically) as a ‘force of opposition’ or negation, can contribute to literary criticism and thought by offering Blanchot a new language to explore the experience and violence of literature.

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