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Mood alternation in Mexican Spanish in Georgia
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Abstract
The current study analyzes mood alternation in Spanish spoken in Georgia among first-generation Mexican immigrants. Using sociolinguistic interview data, tokens of the subjunctive and indicative in dependent clauses were examined, particularly in the following syntactic contexts: depender, aunque, me gusta que, no porque, quizás, tal vez, and no sé si/ cómo/dónde/qué. We argue that mood selection in the contexts under study is determined by the evaluation of the proposition in the dependent clause. We then use this data to inform theories of possible world semantics (i.e., Anand and Hacquard 2013; Giannakidou and Mari 2021; Villalta 2008) to better understand mood alternation. Moreover, while many U.S. Spanish varieties may demonstrate what Silva-Corvalán (1994, 91) refers to as “a reduced system that made it more difficult to distinguish between more or less possible situations in a hypothetical world,” we show that cases of alternation in the present data still differentiate speaker meaning and evaluation.
Title: Mood alternation in Mexican Spanish in Georgia
Description:
Abstract
The current study analyzes mood alternation in Spanish spoken in Georgia among first-generation Mexican immigrants.
Using sociolinguistic interview data, tokens of the subjunctive and indicative in dependent clauses were examined, particularly in the following syntactic contexts: depender, aunque, me gusta que, no porque, quizás, tal vez, and no sé si/ cómo/dónde/qué.
We argue that mood selection in the contexts under study is determined by the evaluation of the proposition in the dependent clause.
We then use this data to inform theories of possible world semantics (i.
e.
, Anand and Hacquard 2013; Giannakidou and Mari 2021; Villalta 2008) to better understand mood alternation.
Moreover, while many U.
S.
Spanish varieties may demonstrate what Silva-Corvalán (1994, 91) refers to as “a reduced system that made it more difficult to distinguish between more or less possible situations in a hypothetical world,” we show that cases of alternation in the present data still differentiate speaker meaning and evaluation.
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