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Brief for Professor Travis Crum as Amicus Curiae in Support of Appellees/Respondents, Allen v. Milligan
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<p>Alabama makes two peculiar and unprecedented arguments about Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act and Congress’s enforcement authority under the Reconstruction Amendments. Alabama’s central claim is that the only “workable, text-based benchmark” for Section 2 is “race neutrality.” Appellants’ Br. 69-70. According to Alabama, “constitutional guardrails” prohibit the consideration of race in the redistricting process. Appellants’ Br. 37. Drawing on the <i>Shaw</i> line of cases, <i>see</i> <i>Shaw </i>v. <i>Reno</i>, 509 U.S. 630 (1993) and <i>Miller </i>v. <i>Johnson</i>, 515 U.S. 900 (1995), Alabama operationalizes this standard by requiring race-neutral maps for purposes of <i>Gingles</i>’s first prong, <i>see Thornburg </i>v. <i>Gingles</i>, 478 U.S. 30, 50 (1986). That is, when determining whether “a minority group . . . is sufficiently large and geographically compact to constitute a majority in a single-member district,” <i>id.</i>, the proposed map should be drawn without regard to race.</p>
<p>Alternatively, Alabama contends that Section 2 is unconstitutional as applied to single-member redistricting schemes. Appellants’ Br. 71-72. Here, Alabama claims that Section 2 of the VRA exceeds Congress’s enforcement authority under Section Two of the Fifteenth Amendment.</p>
<p>Alabama’s arguments are misguided for, at least, two reasons. First, the primary source of constitutional authority for the VRA is the Fifteenth Amendment, as that Amendment—rather than the Fourteenth Amendment—was expressly designed to prohibit racial discrimination in voting. Moreover, racially polarized voting was a recognized phenomenon and openly discussed during Reconstruction. The Reconstruction Framers were explicit in their belief that the Fifteenth Amendment was necessary to help Black men vote as a bloc to protect their interests. Alabama’s “constitutional guardrails” would have come as a surprise to the Reconstruction Framers.</p>
<p>Second, the best reading of text, history, structure, and precedent is that Congress’s authority to enforce the rights guaranteed by the Fifteenth Amendment is broad and governed by the rationality standard from <i>South Carolina </i>v.<i> Katzenbach</i>, 383 U.S. 301 (1966). Contrary to Alabama’s apparent position, <i>see </i>Appellants’ Br. 72-74, the proper standard is not some amalgum of the rationality standard announced in <i>Katzenbach</i>, the congruence and proportionality test articulated in <i>City of Boerne</i> v. <i>Flores</i>, 521 U.S. 507 (1997), and the equal sovereignty principle from <i>Shelby County</i> v. <i>Holder</i>, 570 U.S. 529 (2013). Looking to the proper standard, Congress has the authority under the Fifteenth Amendment to require States to consider race in drawing single-member districts to the limited extent required by Section 2 of the VRA.</p>
Title: Brief for Professor Travis Crum as Amicus Curiae in Support of Appellees/Respondents, Allen v. Milligan
Description:
<p>Alabama makes two peculiar and unprecedented arguments about Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act and Congress’s enforcement authority under the Reconstruction Amendments.
Alabama’s central claim is that the only “workable, text-based benchmark” for Section 2 is “race neutrality.
” Appellants’ Br.
69-70.
According to Alabama, “constitutional guardrails” prohibit the consideration of race in the redistricting process.
Appellants’ Br.
37.
Drawing on the <i>Shaw</i> line of cases, <i>see</i> <i>Shaw </i>v.
<i>Reno</i>, 509 U.
S.
630 (1993) and <i>Miller </i>v.
<i>Johnson</i>, 515 U.
S.
900 (1995), Alabama operationalizes this standard by requiring race-neutral maps for purposes of <i>Gingles</i>’s first prong, <i>see Thornburg </i>v.
<i>Gingles</i>, 478 U.
S.
30, 50 (1986).
That is, when determining whether “a minority group .
.
.
is sufficiently large and geographically compact to constitute a majority in a single-member district,” <i>id.
</i>, the proposed map should be drawn without regard to race.
</p>
<p>Alternatively, Alabama contends that Section 2 is unconstitutional as applied to single-member redistricting schemes.
Appellants’ Br.
71-72.
Here, Alabama claims that Section 2 of the VRA exceeds Congress’s enforcement authority under Section Two of the Fifteenth Amendment.
</p>
<p>Alabama’s arguments are misguided for, at least, two reasons.
First, the primary source of constitutional authority for the VRA is the Fifteenth Amendment, as that Amendment—rather than the Fourteenth Amendment—was expressly designed to prohibit racial discrimination in voting.
Moreover, racially polarized voting was a recognized phenomenon and openly discussed during Reconstruction.
The Reconstruction Framers were explicit in their belief that the Fifteenth Amendment was necessary to help Black men vote as a bloc to protect their interests.
Alabama’s “constitutional guardrails” would have come as a surprise to the Reconstruction Framers.
</p>
<p>Second, the best reading of text, history, structure, and precedent is that Congress’s authority to enforce the rights guaranteed by the Fifteenth Amendment is broad and governed by the rationality standard from <i>South Carolina </i>v.
<i> Katzenbach</i>, 383 U.
S.
301 (1966).
Contrary to Alabama’s apparent position, <i>see </i>Appellants’ Br.
72-74, the proper standard is not some amalgum of the rationality standard announced in <i>Katzenbach</i>, the congruence and proportionality test articulated in <i>City of Boerne</i> v.
<i>Flores</i>, 521 U.
S.
507 (1997), and the equal sovereignty principle from <i>Shelby County</i> v.
<i>Holder</i>, 570 U.
S.
529 (2013).
Looking to the proper standard, Congress has the authority under the Fifteenth Amendment to require States to consider race in drawing single-member districts to the limited extent required by Section 2 of the VRA.
</p>.
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