Accommodating number neutrality in Alasha Mongolian: markedness and semantic interpretation

Abstract Morpho-syntactic markedness for number does not always seem to align with a singular or plural semantics. I show that in Alasha Mongolian (Mongolic) unmarked inanimate nouns are number neutral whereas their animate counterparts are strictly singular (cp. Bylinina and Podobryaev 2020). Unmarked inanimates, however, can be strictly singular if modified by a subclass of APs (e.g. big) and numerals. Plural-marked nouns can be exclusively or inclusively plural depending on upward/downward entailingness (like English). Adopting Harbour’s (2007, 2011, 2014) theory of number, I propose that the generalizations are best explained if unmarked number neutral nouns lack NumP, which would otherwise mark the NP for [$\pm $atomic], whereas their animate counterparts always project it. I argue that inanimates may project NumP if there is morpho-syntactic evidence to do so (some APs, overt plural-marking, and numerals). In addition, I propose a new solution for the inclusive/exclusive ambiguity of the plural: it is the result of syntactically conditioned allosemy at LF. Last but not least, the results of the analysis paired with cross-linguistic observations about number give rise to a novel generalization that correlates morphological markedness and semantic interpretation.