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Against a regular epenthesis rule for Hmong-Mien
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*mbl-/*mbr- (Ratliff 2010) and *m.l(ɣ)-/*m.r(ɣ)- (Ostapirat 2016) have been proposed as reconstructions for correspondence sets that include NCL-, CL-, N-, and C- onsets across the Hmong-Mien family. Ostapirat assumes that the stop arose by a regular rule of epenthesis in the protolanguage. I examine the arguments for these two reconstructions and conclude that epenthesis in an onset is not without cross-linguistic support, but it is not the better analysis in this case. The arguments against a regular epenthesis rule for Hmong-Mien are based primarily on laryngeal contrasts in stops occurring in this position and the relationship of NCL- onsets to Proto-Hmong-Mien prenasalized stops. Secondary arguments involve exceptions to an epenthesis rule, and a reconsideration of the loanword evidence.
Title: Against a regular epenthesis rule for Hmong-Mien
Description:
*mbl-/*mbr- (Ratliff 2010) and *m.
l(ɣ)-/*m.
r(ɣ)- (Ostapirat 2016) have been proposed as reconstructions for correspondence sets that include NCL-, CL-, N-, and C- onsets across the Hmong-Mien family.
Ostapirat assumes that the stop arose by a regular rule of epenthesis in the protolanguage.
I examine the arguments for these two reconstructions and conclude that epenthesis in an onset is not without cross-linguistic support, but it is not the better analysis in this case.
The arguments against a regular epenthesis rule for Hmong-Mien are based primarily on laryngeal contrasts in stops occurring in this position and the relationship of NCL- onsets to Proto-Hmong-Mien prenasalized stops.
Secondary arguments involve exceptions to an epenthesis rule, and a reconsideration of the loanword evidence.
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