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Leadership in Local Politics of Cambodia: A Study of Leaders in Three Communes of Three Provinces
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Using the state-society gap as its assumption and point of departure, the study seeks to identify different kinds of local leaders (including women leaders) and their associated characteristics and elements of legitimacy in order to see whether and how they can help bridge this gap, in the midst of the decentralisation and deconcentration reform.
Findings reveal that, for voters, significant leaders are village chiefs, commune councils, elders and achar and economic leaders. Knowledge leaders and community-based organisations are virtually absent and not relevant from their point of view. Village committees and commune councils have an average education lower than needed to carry out their specifically increased mandates and responsibilities; and the majority are aged 49 and above. Women leaders on average have higher education than their male counterparts and are younger, but they are relatively new to leadership roles and so face many challenges, including support from family. Administrative leaders have to be associated with a political party if they want to be legitimate because they are dependent upon backing and financing from political parties to carry out commune development, since the Commune/Sangkat Fund is meagre. Economic leaders are usually more educated and have the wealth to contribute to commune development, and so are becoming increasingly powerful and influential in local and national politics. They have networks that link to national levels, which give them the benefits of bypassing local authorities, of monopolies and of running their businesses, including illegal activities, smoothly. Elders and achar especially help bridge the gap between authorities and the people via their important roles in mobilising labour and contributions for projects, including religious activities, in helping solve minor domestic conflicts and in commune planning with local authorities. They get along with virtually every actor in their villages and communes. Knowledge leaders emerge only when their possessions are among the resources being threatened, while development assistance leaders usually only provide material assistance and function in a very sporadic manner. They are usually not based in the communes.
It was found that, as a result of D&D reform, the gap between state and society has been bridged, albeit very slowly, unevenly and narrowly. To assist the reform and promote democracy, the study suggests several policy implications:
Functions and power to carry out their stated mandate and the right to collect taxes should be fully devolved to commune councils. Careful implementation of the organic law will help this.
The Commune/Sangkat Fund should be reconsidered to help curb the distortions party politics and party financing have created on commune councils’ accountability and responsiveness.
Better (coordinated and coherent), not necessarily more, training is needed to help commune councils understand their roles and accountability.
An enabling working environment, including a better pay system, should be created to attract more candidates and reduce petty corruption among commune councillors.
Natural resource management could be improved if central planning for it were linked to local planning, which is currently not the case.
Gender promotion should also include adequate attention to promotion of women’s livelihoods and not just to counting and training women leaders.
Cambodia Development Resource Institute
Title: Leadership in Local Politics of Cambodia: A Study of Leaders in Three Communes of Three Provinces
Description:
Using the state-society gap as its assumption and point of departure, the study seeks to identify different kinds of local leaders (including women leaders) and their associated characteristics and elements of legitimacy in order to see whether and how they can help bridge this gap, in the midst of the decentralisation and deconcentration reform.
Findings reveal that, for voters, significant leaders are village chiefs, commune councils, elders and achar and economic leaders.
Knowledge leaders and community-based organisations are virtually absent and not relevant from their point of view.
Village committees and commune councils have an average education lower than needed to carry out their specifically increased mandates and responsibilities; and the majority are aged 49 and above.
Women leaders on average have higher education than their male counterparts and are younger, but they are relatively new to leadership roles and so face many challenges, including support from family.
Administrative leaders have to be associated with a political party if they want to be legitimate because they are dependent upon backing and financing from political parties to carry out commune development, since the Commune/Sangkat Fund is meagre.
Economic leaders are usually more educated and have the wealth to contribute to commune development, and so are becoming increasingly powerful and influential in local and national politics.
They have networks that link to national levels, which give them the benefits of bypassing local authorities, of monopolies and of running their businesses, including illegal activities, smoothly.
Elders and achar especially help bridge the gap between authorities and the people via their important roles in mobilising labour and contributions for projects, including religious activities, in helping solve minor domestic conflicts and in commune planning with local authorities.
They get along with virtually every actor in their villages and communes.
Knowledge leaders emerge only when their possessions are among the resources being threatened, while development assistance leaders usually only provide material assistance and function in a very sporadic manner.
They are usually not based in the communes.
It was found that, as a result of D&D reform, the gap between state and society has been bridged, albeit very slowly, unevenly and narrowly.
To assist the reform and promote democracy, the study suggests several policy implications:
Functions and power to carry out their stated mandate and the right to collect taxes should be fully devolved to commune councils.
Careful implementation of the organic law will help this.
The Commune/Sangkat Fund should be reconsidered to help curb the distortions party politics and party financing have created on commune councils’ accountability and responsiveness.
Better (coordinated and coherent), not necessarily more, training is needed to help commune councils understand their roles and accountability.
An enabling working environment, including a better pay system, should be created to attract more candidates and reduce petty corruption among commune councillors.
Natural resource management could be improved if central planning for it were linked to local planning, which is currently not the case.
Gender promotion should also include adequate attention to promotion of women’s livelihoods and not just to counting and training women leaders.
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