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The architecture of grammar and the division of labor in exponence

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Abstract This chapter considers how the general task of exponence is divided up between the lexicon, morphology, and phonology within the overall architecture of grammar. It argues that dual-route approaches to exponence should be supplemented with a distinction between two types of lexical listing: analytic and nonanalytic. In a stratal architecture, the syndrome of properties characterizing stem-level morphophonology (including lexical exceptions and irregular cyclic effects) is shown to arise from the combination of nonanalytic listing with explicit symbolic generalizations subject to blocking. The chapter further argues for a modular and local approach to morphology-phonology interactions. A programme is proposed consisting of four hypotheses: that morphology selects and concatenates morphs without altering their phonological content; that phonological constraints other than those on alignment may not refer to morphosyntactic information; that output phonological representations do not contain diacritics of morphosyntactic affiliation; and that morphosyntactic conditioning in phonology is subject to cyclic locality.
Title: The architecture of grammar and the division of labor in exponence
Description:
Abstract This chapter considers how the general task of exponence is divided up between the lexicon, morphology, and phonology within the overall architecture of grammar.
It argues that dual-route approaches to exponence should be supplemented with a distinction between two types of lexical listing: analytic and nonanalytic.
In a stratal architecture, the syndrome of properties characterizing stem-level morphophonology (including lexical exceptions and irregular cyclic effects) is shown to arise from the combination of nonanalytic listing with explicit symbolic generalizations subject to blocking.
The chapter further argues for a modular and local approach to morphology-phonology interactions.
A programme is proposed consisting of four hypotheses: that morphology selects and concatenates morphs without altering their phonological content; that phonological constraints other than those on alignment may not refer to morphosyntactic information; that output phonological representations do not contain diacritics of morphosyntactic affiliation; and that morphosyntactic conditioning in phonology is subject to cyclic locality.

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