The syntax of likpakpaanl elliptical constructions

This study investigates Modal Complement Ellipsis (MCE), Sluicing, and Fragment answers in Likpakpaanl, a Mabia language spoken in the Northern, Oti, and North-East regions of Ghana. I propose a movement plus deletion approach for the ellipsis in Likpakpaanl. I argue that deleted constituents under ellipsis possess the same underlying syntactic structure as their non-elided counterparts. I also adopt a Minimalist approach to account for the derivation of these ellipsis constructions. The study shows that only root modals ŋmàà 'can’ and bàn 'want' can license MCE. The E-feature is merged on the head of the modal phrase (ModP) and 'deletes' its vP (in the case of ŋmàà or a TP complement ( when the Mod-head is bàn). I propose a unified account for sluicing and fragment answers. I show that both elliptical phenomena target the FocP for deletion and not a tense phrase (TP) as in English or Dutch. The evidence for this is that the focus particle that is present in non-elliptical sluicing and fragment constructions must be elided under ellipsis in conformity with Merchant's (2001) Sluicing-Comp Generalisation, which proposes that in sluicing, for instance, on the wh-phrase may escape the ellipsis site and not the non-operator like a focus particle. Drawing on Merchant's (2001) assumption that ellipsis phenomena are licensed by an ellipsis (E)-feature, hosted on a single syntactic element, I propose that Likpakpaanl sluicing and fragments are licensed by an E-feature merged on a Licensing Phrase (LP) above FocP. Fragments and sluicing are derived via an Agree relationship between the wh-sluice or fragment element in the vP periphery and a Foc0 with an interpretable but unvalued focus feature. After feature valuation, the EPP feature on FocP extracts the constituent to Spec-FocP. Once the LP bearing the E-feature and an EPP feature merge in the derivation, it moves the wh-phrase or fragment element to Spec-LP, with the E-feature licensing the deletion of the complement FocP. Evidence from island effects (Complex Noun Phrase, Coordinate Structure, Adjunct), binding effects, and the inability of wh-phrases like kinyé 'how' and bàŋà 'why,' which cannot undergo ex-situ movement, to license sluicing, were used to support the claim for a movement approach to the derivation of MCE, Sluicing and Fragment answers in Likpakpaanl.